Vote for Change
Yechury in Election Campaign Meeting in Kurnool
CPI(M) polit Bureau member Sitaram Yechury asked people to vote for change. Sitaram Yechury inaugurated his election campaign tour in Andhra Pradesh by addressing a public meeting and road show in Kurnool on Friday 10th April. Yechury will also address election rallies and meetings at Nalgonda, Khammam, Vijayawada, Santanutala Padu assembly constituencies and Araku parliamentary constituency where CPI(M) is contesting. He will end his tour in Andhra Pradesh by attending the Grand Alliance public meeting at Vishakapatnam on 13th April.
While addressing a public meeting organised in support of CPI(M) candidate, M.A.Gafoor, in Kurnool assembly constituency in Andhra Pradesh Yechury told that nation wide people are looking for change. He also said that NDA and UPA are getting weakened day by day. NDA started with more than 30 parties since 1999 ended up with its traditional allies such as Shiva Sena in Maharashtra and Akali Dal in Punjab. He told the gathering that BJP failed not only in attracting the formidable allies but also keeping its own allies together. He pointed out that BJD which is in the company of BJP for the last 11 years is now disserted NDA and joined hands with the Left Parties who are working for Non Congress Alternative Secular Government. He also told that though Lalu Prasad and Paswan are members of UPA, they joined hands with Mulayam in Gangetic belt to defeat the Congress.
He said that the Left parties are working for a policy alternatives. In that effort they are mobilising parties around the certain policy issues such as protecting and expanding public sector, fight against communalism and terrorism, independent foreign policy, social justice. He also said that those parties who are coordinating closely in the election process, will come together after elections and work out an alternative programme basing on which they will form the government. He informed the audience that so far TDP, TRS, AIADMK, BJD came together and some other parties are extending cooperation from out side for the Non Congress Secular Alternative.
He told the gathering that Andhra Pradesh is the vital straw for Congress in centre. He remembered them that 37 seats the Congress and other friendly parties won in the last election became formidable base for Congress to claim power in Delhi. He also told that with a commitment to form an alternative secular government and also to defeat the Congress misrule in Andhra Pradesh CPI(M) joined hands with CPI , TDP and TRS. He reminded that the Congress failed to control the communalism in states where it is in power. Due to this failure, he identified that they lost power to BJP in Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab.
Before the public meeting Yechury addressed a press conference and also participated in a road show. Along with Sitaram Yechury, CPI(M) candidate for Kurnool assembly constituency and sitting MLA M A Gafoor, Ex Mayor of Kurnool and TDP leader Bangi Anantayya, CPI (M) district secretary T.Shadrak, CPI(M) city secretary K.Prabhakar Reddy, CPI city secretary Nabi Rasool are also participated in the road show.
Instability is not inherent to any Alternative : Sitaram Yechury
Communist Party of India ( Marxist) Polit Bureau member Sitaram Yechury said that instability is not inherent to any alternative. In his second day of election campaign in Andhra Pradesh, on April 11th, Yechury participated in a road show in Bhoingiri parliamentary constituency. The road show went along Kattangur, Narketpalli, and Nakarikel. Along with Yechury, CPI(M) candidate for Bhoingiri Loksabha seat, Narasimhaiah, CPI(M) candidate for Nakarikel assembly segment, Sarvaiah, MLC CH. Sitaramulu, TDP Nalgonda district president B.Lingaiah Yadava, TRS district president B.Somi Reddy, participated in the road show.
Rebutting the criticism by Prime Minister Manmohan Sing and PM hopeful L.K Advani that the proposed non congress secular alternative is a recipe for instability, Yechury said that the first ever alternative government which came in to existence under the leadership of V.P.Singh was destabilized by BJP and the second chance of establishing an alternative government was thwarted by Congress in the case of Deve Gowda and Gujral. He also said that the instability these governments experienced is due to their dependence on out side support for survival. He hoped that this time, efforts will be made to ensure no dependence on outside support.
About comments of Manmohan Singh and Advani regarding the leader of the secular alternative Yechury said that those who are elected by the people will decide about their leader if the situation arises. He also reminded that in 1977 general election Congress projected Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister but she was defeated by the people. Responding to the questions raised by both the PM and leader of Opposition regarding the leader of the proposed front, Yechury reminded them that it was after elections that parties came together to form United Front and drafted a Common Minimum Programe, and chose a leader. That was the case even with BJP and NDA in 1998 elections and UPA in 2004. In all these cases, the alternative took concrete shape only after the election results were out.
Responding to a criticism by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that the proposed third alternative is strengthening the communal forces in the country, Yechury also said that it is the Congress that paved way for BJP to come back in to power in several states including Punjab and Karnataka, thus strengthening the hands of communal forces in the country. He appealed to the voters that it is time to choose a non congress secular alternative which can give boost to the crippling economy due to crisis, and strengthen secular democratic India. He also reminded the voters of Andhra Pradesh that it is AP on whose strength Congress is banking to come back to power in the Center. He felt that
it is imperative to defeat the Congress in Andhra Pradesh to pave way for the non congress secular alternative at the Center.
Nation can be bailed out only with Non Congress Secular Alternative
Yechury in Mahakootami Rally at Vizag
INN
CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Sitaram Yechury said that the nation can be bailed out from the current economic crisis on by electing the non congress secular alternative to power at the centre. Addressing a huge public meeting in Steel City Vizag’s industrial area Gajuwaka, Yechury said the various sections of people needs bail out packages instead of industries. In the last leg of his election campaign in Andhra Pradesh Yechury addressed a grand public meeting along with TDP supremo Chandra Babu Naidu, CPI state secretary K. Narayana, CPI(M) state secretary B V Raghavulu and CPI(M) candidate for Gajuwaka assembly constituency and Vishakapatnam Lok Sabha candidate MVVS Murthy on Monday April 13th. Before addressing the Grand Alliance public meeting, leaders addressed various meetings in Araku parliamentary constituency where CPI(M) is contesting with the support of Grand Alliance partners.
He expressed confidence that the people of Andhra Pradesh will elect the Non Congress Secular Alternative forces for state assembly as well as to represent the state in Parliament. After touring the state from Karnataka boarder to Orissa boarder addressing several meetings he expressed this confidence.
He also said that already in the country more than 74 % of people are living with meagre Rs 20 purchasing power. Daily 1000 people are dying due to lack of nutritional food. 78 % of women are facing the problem o anaemia. So far due to crisis the country lost 10 million jobs. Due to slump in exports diamond cutting workers in Gujarat and weavers elsewhere committing suicide. Though the government announced 12 billion dollar package, nothing has been spent out of that so far. He criticised central government for neglecting the severity of the crisis. He urged up on the forthcoming governments to increase the government expenditure to bail out the nation from this serious crisis.
He told that with the non congress secular alternative government at the centre, the Left will pursue the people’s bail out packages. He reminded the Left parties role in forcing the UPA government to desist the reforms of more dangerous nature, which included privatisation of pension funds, increase of FDI in Insurance industry, privatisation of public sector undertakings etc. He assured the people that non congress secular alternative government at the centre will strengthen the hands of Left to take up much more constructive steps from people’s orientation. He also assured that the new government’s policies will not be profit oriented ones.
Visualising the non congress secular alternatives taking shape at state level, he reminded people of the developments in Orissa, AP, Karnataka where non congress secular parties are coming together and the developments in the states such as Tamilnadu, UP, Bihar where several key forces are working for such an alternative. He also told the audience that the country entered in to coalition phase 15 years ago and this election is also going to continue with that phenomena.
Mentioning about the criticism from Congress and BJP about the prime ministerial candidate in the non congress secular alternative, he said that number of well equipped qualified leaders are in this alternative. He also told that they don’t want to disrespect the choice of the people. He reminded that it is the representatives who wins the confidence of the people throughout the country will in turn choose their leader unlike the practice in Congress and BJP.
Wednesday, April 15, 2009
Saturday, April 11, 2009
Vote for Change
Yechury in Election Campaign Meeting in Kurnool
CPI(M) polit Bureau member Sitaram Yechury asked people to vote for change. Sitaram Yechury inaugurated his election campaign tour in Andhra Pradesh by addressing a public meeting and road show in Kurnool on Friday 10th April. Yechury will also address election rallies and meetings at Nalgonda, Khammam, Vijayawada, Santanutala Padu assembly constituencies and Araku parliamentary constituency where CPI(M) is contesting. He will end his tour in Andhra Pradesh by attending the Grand Alliance public meeting at Vishakapatnam on 13th April.
While addressing a public meeting organised in support of CPI(M) candidate, M.A.Gafoor, in Kurnool assembly constituency in Andhra Pradesh Yechury told that nation wide people are looking for change. He also said that NDA and UPA are getting weakened day by day. NDA started with more than 30 parties since 1999 ended up with its traditional allies such as Shiva Sena in Maharashtra and Akali Dal in Punjab. He told the gathering that BJP failed not only in attracting the formidable allies but also keeping its own allies together. He pointed out that BJD which is in the company of BJP for the last 11 years is now disserted NDA and joined hands with the Left Parties who are working for Non Congress Alternative Secular Government. He also told that though Lalu Prasad and Paswan are members of UPA, they joined hands with Mulayam in Gangetic belt to defeat the Congress.
He said that the Left parties are working for a policy alternatives. In that effort they are mobilising parties around the certain policy issues such as protecting and expanding public sector, fight against communalism and terrorism, independent foreign policy, social justice. He also said that those parties who are coordinating closely in the election process, will come together after elections and work out an alternative programme basing on which they will form the government. He informed the audience that so far TDP, TRS, AIADMK, BJD came together and some other parties are extending cooperation from out side for the Non Congress Secular Alternative.
He told the gathering that Andhra Pradesh is the vital straw for Congress in centre. He remembered them that 37 seats the Congress and other friendly parties won in the last election became formidable base for Congress to claim power in Delhi. He also told that with a commitment to form an alternative secular government and also to defeat the Congress misrule in Andhra Pradesh CPI(M) joined hands with CPI , TDP and TRS. He reminded that the Congress failed to control the communalism in states where it is in power. Due to this failure, he identified that they lost power to BJP in Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab.
Before the public meeting Yechury addressed a press conference and also participated in a road show. Along with Sitaram Yechury, CPI(M) candidate for Kurnool assembly constituency and sitting MLA M A Gafoor, Ex Mayor of Kurnool and TDP leader Bangi Anantayya, CPI (M) district secretary T.Shadrak, CPI(M) city secretary K.Prabhakar Reddy, CPI city secretary Nabi Rasool are also participated in the road show.
CPI(M) polit Bureau member Sitaram Yechury asked people to vote for change. Sitaram Yechury inaugurated his election campaign tour in Andhra Pradesh by addressing a public meeting and road show in Kurnool on Friday 10th April. Yechury will also address election rallies and meetings at Nalgonda, Khammam, Vijayawada, Santanutala Padu assembly constituencies and Araku parliamentary constituency where CPI(M) is contesting. He will end his tour in Andhra Pradesh by attending the Grand Alliance public meeting at Vishakapatnam on 13th April.
While addressing a public meeting organised in support of CPI(M) candidate, M.A.Gafoor, in Kurnool assembly constituency in Andhra Pradesh Yechury told that nation wide people are looking for change. He also said that NDA and UPA are getting weakened day by day. NDA started with more than 30 parties since 1999 ended up with its traditional allies such as Shiva Sena in Maharashtra and Akali Dal in Punjab. He told the gathering that BJP failed not only in attracting the formidable allies but also keeping its own allies together. He pointed out that BJD which is in the company of BJP for the last 11 years is now disserted NDA and joined hands with the Left Parties who are working for Non Congress Alternative Secular Government. He also told that though Lalu Prasad and Paswan are members of UPA, they joined hands with Mulayam in Gangetic belt to defeat the Congress.
He said that the Left parties are working for a policy alternatives. In that effort they are mobilising parties around the certain policy issues such as protecting and expanding public sector, fight against communalism and terrorism, independent foreign policy, social justice. He also said that those parties who are coordinating closely in the election process, will come together after elections and work out an alternative programme basing on which they will form the government. He informed the audience that so far TDP, TRS, AIADMK, BJD came together and some other parties are extending cooperation from out side for the Non Congress Secular Alternative.
He told the gathering that Andhra Pradesh is the vital straw for Congress in centre. He remembered them that 37 seats the Congress and other friendly parties won in the last election became formidable base for Congress to claim power in Delhi. He also told that with a commitment to form an alternative secular government and also to defeat the Congress misrule in Andhra Pradesh CPI(M) joined hands with CPI , TDP and TRS. He reminded that the Congress failed to control the communalism in states where it is in power. Due to this failure, he identified that they lost power to BJP in Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab.
Before the public meeting Yechury addressed a press conference and also participated in a road show. Along with Sitaram Yechury, CPI(M) candidate for Kurnool assembly constituency and sitting MLA M A Gafoor, Ex Mayor of Kurnool and TDP leader Bangi Anantayya, CPI (M) district secretary T.Shadrak, CPI(M) city secretary K.Prabhakar Reddy, CPI city secretary Nabi Rasool are also participated in the road show.
Saturday, April 4, 2009
Swift Message from Swing States - UPA won't be the Single Largest Post Election Combination
A Swift Message from Swing States – UPA won't be Single largest combination
K. Veeraiah.
Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu were swing states for the Congress in 2004 general elections. Out of 82 seats that both these states contribute to the parliament, almost all except five seats, were bagged by Congress led UPA alliance. This, despite the fact that the UPA at national level emerged after the elections. At the time of elections Congress had entered in to seat adjustments with state level players and like-minded parties in the two states.
In Andhra Pradesh after several rounds of closed door discussions in Delhi and in Hyderabad, Congress high command finally agreed to join hands with Telangana Rashtra Samiti to oust Chandrababu Naidu's 9 years misrule. The important factor that led the then adamant leader of opposition, YSR to join hands with TRS was the fear of losing in case of no alliance. Left parties took a principled stand to oust NDA in Center. Followed by the relentless struggle under the leadership of CPI (M) against TDP's neo liberal economic policies, this principled stand resulted in electoral understanding with Congress in Andhra Pradesh. Thus Grand Alliance against TDP-BJP combine in Andhra Pradesh emerged before 2004 general elections. The same is the case of Tamil Nadu. Left parties joined hands with DMK and Congress joined hands with DMK independently, thus the effective alliances combined with the political situation of these states helped these state level alliances to bag 77 seats in the both states. In the post poll scenario where UPA emerged out of all these state level alliances, this number acted as deciding factor for Congress to take a lead as single largest combination by having upper hand over NDA combination. In this way the state level pre-poll understandings and electoral alliances paved way for post poll coalition governments.
But the general elections of 2009 are witnessing a different scenario in these swing states. Both in Andhra Pradesh and in Tamil Nadu, though the reasons are different, the regional parties TRS and PMK parted ways with Congress led coalition. Both these regional partners hold 13 seats. Apart from that, the Left parties are fighting against the Congress in Andhra Pradesh and the Congress partnered coalition in Tamil Nadu. Both the Left parties have 4 seats. Thus out of 77 seats, the parties capable of winning 17 seats have already walked out from the coalition. The rest 60 seats are distributed between Congress and DMK.
Another important point to take notice of is the fact that in these swing states, the performance of Congress and DMK reached its peak. In Andhra Pradesh Congress never stood in such a strong position commanding almost 30 out of 42 seats on its own. Even in the wave that brought Rajiv Gandhi to power after assassination of the then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, Congress in Andhra Pradesh did not gain as much as this. Thus after 1984 general elections TDP emerged as a single largest opposition party other than Congress and the Left. DMK's case in Tamil Nadu is also the same. Though the state is named after the massive shifts in each general election, at no point of time one party benefited so enormously as DMK did in 2004 general elections. In such a situation, in the both the states neither the Congress nor the DMK stand to increase their performance in their tally compared to 2004. According to a in-house estimates of Akbar Road 24, AICC head quarters, Congress is losing 5 to 7 seats from its current strength in Andhra Pradesh. But the ground level information is that it may lose more than 10 from its current strength. Though Congress is contesting in more seats than last time in Tamilnadu, due to PMK's walking out of the alliance, the winnable chances are definitely less for it and it is much more less for DMK. Even if DMK is able to resist the massive shift, the loss will be more than 50 %. Thus it has to shed at least 18-22 seats to the opposition alliance is a minimum. Thus the UPA stands to loose around 30 seats from the swing states. This loss to the UPA can not be compensated from the gains of Kerala and Karnataka, Rajasthan. Thus, the swift message from swing states is simple and clear. Neither Congress is going to retain its position of single largest party nor UPA stands to retain its position as single largest combination to claim power at Indraprastha.
K. Veeraiah.
Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu were swing states for the Congress in 2004 general elections. Out of 82 seats that both these states contribute to the parliament, almost all except five seats, were bagged by Congress led UPA alliance. This, despite the fact that the UPA at national level emerged after the elections. At the time of elections Congress had entered in to seat adjustments with state level players and like-minded parties in the two states.
In Andhra Pradesh after several rounds of closed door discussions in Delhi and in Hyderabad, Congress high command finally agreed to join hands with Telangana Rashtra Samiti to oust Chandrababu Naidu's 9 years misrule. The important factor that led the then adamant leader of opposition, YSR to join hands with TRS was the fear of losing in case of no alliance. Left parties took a principled stand to oust NDA in Center. Followed by the relentless struggle under the leadership of CPI (M) against TDP's neo liberal economic policies, this principled stand resulted in electoral understanding with Congress in Andhra Pradesh. Thus Grand Alliance against TDP-BJP combine in Andhra Pradesh emerged before 2004 general elections. The same is the case of Tamil Nadu. Left parties joined hands with DMK and Congress joined hands with DMK independently, thus the effective alliances combined with the political situation of these states helped these state level alliances to bag 77 seats in the both states. In the post poll scenario where UPA emerged out of all these state level alliances, this number acted as deciding factor for Congress to take a lead as single largest combination by having upper hand over NDA combination. In this way the state level pre-poll understandings and electoral alliances paved way for post poll coalition governments.
But the general elections of 2009 are witnessing a different scenario in these swing states. Both in Andhra Pradesh and in Tamil Nadu, though the reasons are different, the regional parties TRS and PMK parted ways with Congress led coalition. Both these regional partners hold 13 seats. Apart from that, the Left parties are fighting against the Congress in Andhra Pradesh and the Congress partnered coalition in Tamil Nadu. Both the Left parties have 4 seats. Thus out of 77 seats, the parties capable of winning 17 seats have already walked out from the coalition. The rest 60 seats are distributed between Congress and DMK.
Another important point to take notice of is the fact that in these swing states, the performance of Congress and DMK reached its peak. In Andhra Pradesh Congress never stood in such a strong position commanding almost 30 out of 42 seats on its own. Even in the wave that brought Rajiv Gandhi to power after assassination of the then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, Congress in Andhra Pradesh did not gain as much as this. Thus after 1984 general elections TDP emerged as a single largest opposition party other than Congress and the Left. DMK's case in Tamil Nadu is also the same. Though the state is named after the massive shifts in each general election, at no point of time one party benefited so enormously as DMK did in 2004 general elections. In such a situation, in the both the states neither the Congress nor the DMK stand to increase their performance in their tally compared to 2004. According to a in-house estimates of Akbar Road 24, AICC head quarters, Congress is losing 5 to 7 seats from its current strength in Andhra Pradesh. But the ground level information is that it may lose more than 10 from its current strength. Though Congress is contesting in more seats than last time in Tamilnadu, due to PMK's walking out of the alliance, the winnable chances are definitely less for it and it is much more less for DMK. Even if DMK is able to resist the massive shift, the loss will be more than 50 %. Thus it has to shed at least 18-22 seats to the opposition alliance is a minimum. Thus the UPA stands to loose around 30 seats from the swing states. This loss to the UPA can not be compensated from the gains of Kerala and Karnataka, Rajasthan. Thus, the swift message from swing states is simple and clear. Neither Congress is going to retain its position of single largest party nor UPA stands to retain its position as single largest combination to claim power at Indraprastha.
Monday, March 23, 2009
Congress Paid back in the same coin
Congress Paid back in the same coin
K. Veeraiah
India News Network, New Delhi
The undoing of UPA in the Gangetic belt is almost complete with the latest developments in Bihar. As per newspaper reports, the differences between Congress and RJD over allotting a fourth parliamentary seat in Bihar led to the curtains falling on UPA in the state. In UP too, the coalition is in trouble for similar reasons. The differences between Congress and SP over four or five seats created rift with both the parties now deciding to contest in maximum number of seats on their own. Thus the Congress has decided to contest 37 seats in Bihar and 70 seats in UP. Both states together constitute 120 seats, which is 22 percent of the total parliamentary seats. It should be remembered that in the 14th Lok Sabha, the Congress had just had won just 3 seats in Bihar, while the RJD had won 22. In UP, it had won 6 while the SP won 35.
But, the main problem lies somewhere else. One can say that the seeds for the current undoing were laid in its political resolution adopted at the time of the Congress Plenary held at Hyderabad in January 2006. In the resolution adopted there, Congress expressed its willingness to fight the next general elections on its own. Speaking in support of the resolution the Congress General Secretary Amibka Soni explained the reasoning behind it. She said that the Congress wants to come back to power on its own free from the shackles of coalition partners. It is to be noted, around then the conflict between the Left and Congress over the Indo-US nuclear deal reached its peak. If we look at the deliberations of Congress Working Committee held on 29th January 2009 in Delhi, the picture would be clearer. After the meeting, the General Secretary Janardhan Dwivedi said, “The Congress will seek votes on its own, except in states where it is in alliance." He also briefed media that the CWC prefers post-poll alliance with like-minded parties instead of forging any national alliance during the elections. With this clear statement, Congress sent signals to Shard Pawar, Mulayam Singh and Lalu Prasad Yadav who proposed seat sharing beyond their respective states.
The reason given by senior Congress leaders was that it is the only party, which has a pan Indian presence, where as all the other UPA partners, are confined to their respective states. Sharing seats with them, according to the Congress will hamper its own chances to emerge as the clear winner. Charged up with the victory in Rajasthan and Delhi Assembly elections, coupled with their euphoria over completing the controversial nuclear deal, it is not surprising that the Congress nurtured such illusions. On the other hand, the principal opposition party, the BJP was already in a mode of self destruction even before the election schedule was announced, which might have helped to increase the confidence level in Congress. After the same CWC meeting, a senior Congress leader said that the Congress was even ready to play a “destructive role“ if the situation demands.
Followed by this CWC decision, Congress started seat-sharing negotiations with the Samajwadi Party, which was designed to fail. Congress successfully forced the Samajwadi Party to walk out of seat sharing negotiations and then came out in public its plan to contest in 70 seats. Then came Bihar. Congress took in the disgruntled RJD MP Sadhu Yadav to its fold. Replying to a media query in the presence of Union Power Minister Susheel Kumar Shinde, Sadhu Yadav confirmed that he would be contesting on Congress ticket. Until then Lalu and Paswan were playing one-upmanship among themselves over seat sharing. It is natural for Congress, which lost its traditional base to RJD and JD(U) in Bihar and to SP and BSP in Uttar Pradesh to try and regain space not by endearing the masses but endearing leaders such as Sadhu Yadav. This worked as an eye opener for both Lalu and Paswan. Immediately they sealed the deal leaving just 3 seats for Congress. The Congress in return announced that it would contest all the 37 seats.
In the least ten days, the coming together of BSP, AIADMK, BJD, TDP, JD (S) together with the Left parties has now forced the Congress to strike a deal with the NCP in Maharashtra. Thus, from 29 January to 21 March this year, the Congress has played a really destructive role in splintering the UPA in North India. In a multi-cornered contest, it can be predicted that in these two states, the ruling parties would fare better. In effect the UPA partners are implementing the decision of the Congress CWC decision to contest alone in all major states.
There is an added dimension to the Bihar fiasco. In Bihar the ruling NDA government has still more than two years of its tenure. It is doubtful to expect the lead partner JD (U) to join hands with the Non Congress Secular Alternative that is emerging. In such a situation, Lalu and Paswan might decide to come out of the UPA to seize the opportunity within their state by trying to forge an opposition to both the UPA and the NDA. Therefore, the Congress has managed to dismantle the UPA on its own, establishing it as a failed leader of a coalition.
K. Veeraiah
India News Network, New Delhi
The undoing of UPA in the Gangetic belt is almost complete with the latest developments in Bihar. As per newspaper reports, the differences between Congress and RJD over allotting a fourth parliamentary seat in Bihar led to the curtains falling on UPA in the state. In UP too, the coalition is in trouble for similar reasons. The differences between Congress and SP over four or five seats created rift with both the parties now deciding to contest in maximum number of seats on their own. Thus the Congress has decided to contest 37 seats in Bihar and 70 seats in UP. Both states together constitute 120 seats, which is 22 percent of the total parliamentary seats. It should be remembered that in the 14th Lok Sabha, the Congress had just had won just 3 seats in Bihar, while the RJD had won 22. In UP, it had won 6 while the SP won 35.
But, the main problem lies somewhere else. One can say that the seeds for the current undoing were laid in its political resolution adopted at the time of the Congress Plenary held at Hyderabad in January 2006. In the resolution adopted there, Congress expressed its willingness to fight the next general elections on its own. Speaking in support of the resolution the Congress General Secretary Amibka Soni explained the reasoning behind it. She said that the Congress wants to come back to power on its own free from the shackles of coalition partners. It is to be noted, around then the conflict between the Left and Congress over the Indo-US nuclear deal reached its peak. If we look at the deliberations of Congress Working Committee held on 29th January 2009 in Delhi, the picture would be clearer. After the meeting, the General Secretary Janardhan Dwivedi said, “The Congress will seek votes on its own, except in states where it is in alliance." He also briefed media that the CWC prefers post-poll alliance with like-minded parties instead of forging any national alliance during the elections. With this clear statement, Congress sent signals to Shard Pawar, Mulayam Singh and Lalu Prasad Yadav who proposed seat sharing beyond their respective states.
The reason given by senior Congress leaders was that it is the only party, which has a pan Indian presence, where as all the other UPA partners, are confined to their respective states. Sharing seats with them, according to the Congress will hamper its own chances to emerge as the clear winner. Charged up with the victory in Rajasthan and Delhi Assembly elections, coupled with their euphoria over completing the controversial nuclear deal, it is not surprising that the Congress nurtured such illusions. On the other hand, the principal opposition party, the BJP was already in a mode of self destruction even before the election schedule was announced, which might have helped to increase the confidence level in Congress. After the same CWC meeting, a senior Congress leader said that the Congress was even ready to play a “destructive role“ if the situation demands.
Followed by this CWC decision, Congress started seat-sharing negotiations with the Samajwadi Party, which was designed to fail. Congress successfully forced the Samajwadi Party to walk out of seat sharing negotiations and then came out in public its plan to contest in 70 seats. Then came Bihar. Congress took in the disgruntled RJD MP Sadhu Yadav to its fold. Replying to a media query in the presence of Union Power Minister Susheel Kumar Shinde, Sadhu Yadav confirmed that he would be contesting on Congress ticket. Until then Lalu and Paswan were playing one-upmanship among themselves over seat sharing. It is natural for Congress, which lost its traditional base to RJD and JD(U) in Bihar and to SP and BSP in Uttar Pradesh to try and regain space not by endearing the masses but endearing leaders such as Sadhu Yadav. This worked as an eye opener for both Lalu and Paswan. Immediately they sealed the deal leaving just 3 seats for Congress. The Congress in return announced that it would contest all the 37 seats.
In the least ten days, the coming together of BSP, AIADMK, BJD, TDP, JD (S) together with the Left parties has now forced the Congress to strike a deal with the NCP in Maharashtra. Thus, from 29 January to 21 March this year, the Congress has played a really destructive role in splintering the UPA in North India. In a multi-cornered contest, it can be predicted that in these two states, the ruling parties would fare better. In effect the UPA partners are implementing the decision of the Congress CWC decision to contest alone in all major states.
There is an added dimension to the Bihar fiasco. In Bihar the ruling NDA government has still more than two years of its tenure. It is doubtful to expect the lead partner JD (U) to join hands with the Non Congress Secular Alternative that is emerging. In such a situation, Lalu and Paswan might decide to come out of the UPA to seize the opportunity within their state by trying to forge an opposition to both the UPA and the NDA. Therefore, the Congress has managed to dismantle the UPA on its own, establishing it as a failed leader of a coalition.
Sunday, March 8, 2009
Orissa Undercuts BJP's Claim over Delhi
Orissa Undercuts BJP’s Claim to Delhi
K.Veeraiah
The developments taking place with jet speed in Orissa undercutting the BJP’s claims over coming back to power in Delhi. And also these developments cleared decks for BJD to join hands with Left parties in Orissa and also to be part of non-Congress, non-BJP alternative under formation. In multiple ways the Orissa developments are important in the current context.
Navin Patnaik’s BJD is the long standing ally of BJP only next to its traditional ally Shiv Sena. The alliance of BJD and BJP began cracking in the wake of Kandhamal violence. Navin Patnayak has to face even censure from Central Government and also from Supreme Court over his inability in protecting the minorities of the state. He tried to reign the Saffran brigade which is fore front in attacking minorities. These attacks went uninterruptedly for more than two years. Particularly in consequent to killing of Swami by Naxalites, saffron brigade found an opportunity to prove their hegemony over minorities. These developments drew flack from all over the country and BJD government in dock since then. The current breaking of alliance with BJP will be a major step in instilling confidence among the Christian minorities of the state.
Another important aspect of this falling out is in numbers. Orissa sends 21 MPs to Lok Sabha. Currently except three, all MPs form part of NDA’s kitty. Current developments are a big jolt L.K.Advani, Prime Ministerial candidate of NDA personally. BJP 7 out of 9 where as BJP got 11 out of 12. Now BJP stands to loose in numbers as it will be contesting on its own. Even if it wins its earlier number ( 7) which is unlikely, NDA’s kitty will be reduced by 11 automatically. This will thwart BJP’s claim to power in Delhi in the current elections.
One more important aspect of this de-merger of alliance is the timing. These developments took place at a time when NDA’s lead partner BJP seriously locked up in seat sharing negotiations with other partners Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra and JD(U) in Bihar. So far BJP could complete the seat sharing agreement successfully only with AGP of Assam. In Maharashtra and Bihar consists of 88 Lok Sabha seats, BJP is minor partner. As per the news reports , in Bihar, BJP will be satisfied with 16 seats. The Maharashtra sharing out come is yet to see the light. With the BJD parting ways, other regional satraps will also muscle down BJP and forcing it to reduce their claim over number. If BJP did not falls in line, the existence of NDA will be at a stake. If BJP wants to keep NDA together, it has to bow down in front of JD(U) and Shiv Sena. In either case, the prospects for increase in current numbers in both states is a distant dream for BJP with out which it can’t think of sitting on the Delhi thrown. In Maharashtra BJP already tasted the ire of Shiv Sena when Its octogenarian chief of Shiv Sena refused a request to meet BJP prime ministerial candidate.
The last but not least aspect of current developments in Orissa is that this brings non-Congress secular forces on to single platform there by strengthening the secular forces and unleashing the new ear in the state politics. Navin Patnayak, after announcing in Bhubneswhar on Satuday night that his truck with BJP is over, immediately contacted CPI(M) leaders Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury in Delhi. He also invited Yechury to Bhubaneswhar to work out on the future course of action.
K.Veeraiah
The developments taking place with jet speed in Orissa undercutting the BJP’s claims over coming back to power in Delhi. And also these developments cleared decks for BJD to join hands with Left parties in Orissa and also to be part of non-Congress, non-BJP alternative under formation. In multiple ways the Orissa developments are important in the current context.
Navin Patnaik’s BJD is the long standing ally of BJP only next to its traditional ally Shiv Sena. The alliance of BJD and BJP began cracking in the wake of Kandhamal violence. Navin Patnayak has to face even censure from Central Government and also from Supreme Court over his inability in protecting the minorities of the state. He tried to reign the Saffran brigade which is fore front in attacking minorities. These attacks went uninterruptedly for more than two years. Particularly in consequent to killing of Swami by Naxalites, saffron brigade found an opportunity to prove their hegemony over minorities. These developments drew flack from all over the country and BJD government in dock since then. The current breaking of alliance with BJP will be a major step in instilling confidence among the Christian minorities of the state.
Another important aspect of this falling out is in numbers. Orissa sends 21 MPs to Lok Sabha. Currently except three, all MPs form part of NDA’s kitty. Current developments are a big jolt L.K.Advani, Prime Ministerial candidate of NDA personally. BJP 7 out of 9 where as BJP got 11 out of 12. Now BJP stands to loose in numbers as it will be contesting on its own. Even if it wins its earlier number ( 7) which is unlikely, NDA’s kitty will be reduced by 11 automatically. This will thwart BJP’s claim to power in Delhi in the current elections.
One more important aspect of this de-merger of alliance is the timing. These developments took place at a time when NDA’s lead partner BJP seriously locked up in seat sharing negotiations with other partners Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra and JD(U) in Bihar. So far BJP could complete the seat sharing agreement successfully only with AGP of Assam. In Maharashtra and Bihar consists of 88 Lok Sabha seats, BJP is minor partner. As per the news reports , in Bihar, BJP will be satisfied with 16 seats. The Maharashtra sharing out come is yet to see the light. With the BJD parting ways, other regional satraps will also muscle down BJP and forcing it to reduce their claim over number. If BJP did not falls in line, the existence of NDA will be at a stake. If BJP wants to keep NDA together, it has to bow down in front of JD(U) and Shiv Sena. In either case, the prospects for increase in current numbers in both states is a distant dream for BJP with out which it can’t think of sitting on the Delhi thrown. In Maharashtra BJP already tasted the ire of Shiv Sena when Its octogenarian chief of Shiv Sena refused a request to meet BJP prime ministerial candidate.
The last but not least aspect of current developments in Orissa is that this brings non-Congress secular forces on to single platform there by strengthening the secular forces and unleashing the new ear in the state politics. Navin Patnayak, after announcing in Bhubneswhar on Satuday night that his truck with BJP is over, immediately contacted CPI(M) leaders Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury in Delhi. He also invited Yechury to Bhubaneswhar to work out on the future course of action.
Orissa Undercuts BJP's Claim over Delhi
Orissa Undercuts BJP’s Claim to Delhi
K.Veeraiah
The developments taking place with jet speed in Orissa undercutting the BJP’s claims over coming back to power in Delhi. And also these developments cleared decks for BJD to join hands with Left parties in Orissa and also to be part of non-Congress, non-BJP alternative under formation. In multiple ways the Orissa developments are important in the current context.
Navin Patnaik’s BJD is the long standing ally of BJP only next to its traditional ally Shiv Sena. The alliance of BJD and BJP began cracking in the wake of Kandhamal violence. Navin Patnayak has to face even censure from Central Government and also from Supreme Court over his inability in protecting the minorities of the state. He tried to reign the Saffran brigade which is fore front in attacking minorities. These attacks went uninterruptedly for more than two years. Particularly in consequent to killing of Swami by Naxalites, saffron brigade found an opportunity to prove their hegemony over minorities. These developments drew flack from all over the country and BJD government in dock since then. The current breaking of alliance with BJP will be a major step in instilling confidence among the Christian minorities of the state.
Another important aspect of this falling out is in numbers. Orissa sends 21 MPs to Lok Sabha. Currently except three, all MPs form part of NDA’s kitty. Current developments are a big jolt L.K.Advani, Prime Ministerial candidate of NDA personally. BJP 7 out of 9 where as BJP got 11 out of 12. Now BJP stands to loose in numbers as it will be contesting on its own. Even if it wins its earlier number ( 7) which is unlikely, NDA’s kitty will be reduced by 11 automatically. This will thwart BJP’s claim to power in Delhi in the current elections.
One more important aspect of this de-merger of alliance is the timing. These developments took place at a time when NDA’s lead partner BJP seriously locked up in seat sharing negotiations with other partners Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra and JD(U) in Bihar. So far BJP could complete the seat sharing agreement successfully only with AGP of Assam. In Maharashtra and Bihar consists of 88 Lok Sabha seats, BJP is minor partner. As per the news reports , in Bihar, BJP will be satisfied with 16 seats. The Maharashtra sharing out come is yet to see the light. With the BJD parting ways, other regional satraps will also muscle down BJP and forcing it to reduce their claim over number. If BJP did not falls in line, the existence of NDA will be at a stake. If BJP wants to keep NDA together, it has to bow down in front of JD(U) and Shiv Sena. In either case, the prospects for increase in current numbers in both states is a distant dream for BJP with out which it can’t think of sitting on the Delhi thrown. In Maharashtra BJP already tasted the ire of Shiv Sena when Its octogenarian chief of Shiv Sena refused a request to meet BJP prime ministerial candidate.
The last but not least aspect of current developments in Orissa is that this brings non-Congress secular forces on to single platform there by strengthening the secular forces and unleashing the new ear in the state politics. Navin Patnayak, after announcing in Bhubneswhar on Satuday night that his truck with BJP is over, immediately contacted CPI(M) leaders Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury in Delhi. He also invited Yechury to Bhubaneswhar to work out on the future course of action.
K.Veeraiah
The developments taking place with jet speed in Orissa undercutting the BJP’s claims over coming back to power in Delhi. And also these developments cleared decks for BJD to join hands with Left parties in Orissa and also to be part of non-Congress, non-BJP alternative under formation. In multiple ways the Orissa developments are important in the current context.
Navin Patnaik’s BJD is the long standing ally of BJP only next to its traditional ally Shiv Sena. The alliance of BJD and BJP began cracking in the wake of Kandhamal violence. Navin Patnayak has to face even censure from Central Government and also from Supreme Court over his inability in protecting the minorities of the state. He tried to reign the Saffran brigade which is fore front in attacking minorities. These attacks went uninterruptedly for more than two years. Particularly in consequent to killing of Swami by Naxalites, saffron brigade found an opportunity to prove their hegemony over minorities. These developments drew flack from all over the country and BJD government in dock since then. The current breaking of alliance with BJP will be a major step in instilling confidence among the Christian minorities of the state.
Another important aspect of this falling out is in numbers. Orissa sends 21 MPs to Lok Sabha. Currently except three, all MPs form part of NDA’s kitty. Current developments are a big jolt L.K.Advani, Prime Ministerial candidate of NDA personally. BJP 7 out of 9 where as BJP got 11 out of 12. Now BJP stands to loose in numbers as it will be contesting on its own. Even if it wins its earlier number ( 7) which is unlikely, NDA’s kitty will be reduced by 11 automatically. This will thwart BJP’s claim to power in Delhi in the current elections.
One more important aspect of this de-merger of alliance is the timing. These developments took place at a time when NDA’s lead partner BJP seriously locked up in seat sharing negotiations with other partners Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra and JD(U) in Bihar. So far BJP could complete the seat sharing agreement successfully only with AGP of Assam. In Maharashtra and Bihar consists of 88 Lok Sabha seats, BJP is minor partner. As per the news reports , in Bihar, BJP will be satisfied with 16 seats. The Maharashtra sharing out come is yet to see the light. With the BJD parting ways, other regional satraps will also muscle down BJP and forcing it to reduce their claim over number. If BJP did not falls in line, the existence of NDA will be at a stake. If BJP wants to keep NDA together, it has to bow down in front of JD(U) and Shiv Sena. In either case, the prospects for increase in current numbers in both states is a distant dream for BJP with out which it can’t think of sitting on the Delhi thrown. In Maharashtra BJP already tasted the ire of Shiv Sena when Its octogenarian chief of Shiv Sena refused a request to meet BJP prime ministerial candidate.
The last but not least aspect of current developments in Orissa is that this brings non-Congress secular forces on to single platform there by strengthening the secular forces and unleashing the new ear in the state politics. Navin Patnayak, after announcing in Bhubneswhar on Satuday night that his truck with BJP is over, immediately contacted CPI(M) leaders Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury in Delhi. He also invited Yechury to Bhubaneswhar to work out on the future course of action.
Sunday, October 5, 2008
Possible Impact of Praja Rajyam in the Next Assembly Elections of AP
Can he Impact ?
Konduri Veeraiah
With the Chiranjeevi’s Praja Rajyam, once again, the political discourse is shifted to the emerging Caste loyalties vis-à-vis political parties in Andhra Pradesh. Discourses on caste and its manipulations in politics are not new. The process of secularisation and democracy gave a new fillip to the caste mobilisations as democracy represents in theory for majority. They can be traced back to Selig.S.Harrison’s ‘Caste and Andhra Communists’of the early 50s that threw light on the foundational role of caste in political mobilization. In this seminal work Harrison stressed the need for a special study on caste to comprehend its impact on representative institutions. In a continuation to this debate M.N.Srinivas has provided a data of the fascinating dynamics of ‘the caste’ in different walks of life in connection with the states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Tamilanadu, Karnataka by applying the same principle in the light of first general elections to judge the emerging trends and changing political affiliations.
As the colonial rule unravelled and de-linked social caste from religious caste, it has became “ a single term of capable of expressing, organising, and above all systematising India’s diverse form of social identity, community and organisation.” Caste forms in to a major element in the social organisation with its long-established authority at the bottom. Thus the interplay of Caste and political democracy has always been an issue of renewed interest and controversy in this country as the process of group dynamics and web of power alignments in Indian villages are infinitely complex. Though caste has been a crucial player in articulating political mobilisation in the state there are no enough studies that deal with the changing political allegiances and reasons behind it, particularly after institutionalising the democratic process. In view of the ever changing nature of the caste, an attempt has been made in this essay to examine M.N.Srinivas’s concept of Dominant caste to forecast the possible emerging scenarios of Chiranjeevi’s influence and role in the politics of Andhrapradesh.
Like in any other part of the country, in Andhra Pradesh also Caste has played an important role either directly or indirectly in political mobilisations. The only difference as far me is that due to the strong presence of communist movement, till 90’s caste played only discrete role while in some other states the political mobilisation of caste started as early as immediately after the independence. With emergence of Telugudesam in the state’s political landscape, the role of caste started functioning in open unlike in the 60’s and 70’s. Presently the Telugu society has, become busy with the same political discourse that the state had seen with the political entry of the actor turned politician, N.T.Ramarao(NTR), a kamma person by caste. N.T.R proclaimed that he was launching a party, the Telugu Desam Party(TDP),with the sole aim of protecting the Telugu people’s pride or self respect. But this time around ,after a quarter century, the state reverted back to a similarkind of debate with another cine star Chiranjeevi launching his Praja Rajyam party(PRP).
In the recent past realisation of numerical strength and articulation of interests in political spheres has seen a new phenomena called “social engineering”. The phrase “ Social Engineering” became popular in the wake of BSP’s upsurge first in UttarPradesh and gradually on the national political landscape. Way back in early 80s N.T.Rama Rao with his demigod like charisma succeeded in creating and consolidating a rainbow caste coalition by weaning away BCs and Dalits and considerable section of Muslims from congress fold. Telugu Desam organised social engineering by mobilising BCs, certain sections of SCs and Minorities to run together, under the leadership of a dominant caste, the Kamma caste, to question the hegemony of another dominant caste the reddy caste. Both these developments proves one more important thing which Dube emphasises in his article in Contributions to Indian Sociology exactly forty years ago, in 1968. Dube synthesises that mere caste is not a power wielding unit but the multi-caste alliance is. The difference between social engineering of TDP and that of BSP is in the leadership as to who are steering the wheel. In the case of BSP it is Dalits while it was and is, Kammas in the case of TDP. If we consider the TDP and BSP phenomenon we have to agree on Dube’s prophetic understanding of Indian villages and their power wielding structure. Though before BSP, TDP pioneered social engineering, social analysts missed the significance of this process.
To analyse the Chiranjeevi impact in politics of AP,I am relying on the theory of Dominant Caste developed by MN Srinivas in his studies of Rampura village in Karnataka, though I am not in full agreement with him about the criteria and functions of Dominant Caste. This compels us to dwell in to caste composition of the state with relevant details. As, there were no census based on caste after 1930 we have to depend on 1921 census conducted by Nizam’s administration that contained a column on caste to ascertain the respective percentages of each caste in the state of Andhra Pradesh. According to K.Srinivasulu ,in Andhrapradesh, the Brahmins form 3% , Reddys and Kammas, 6.5% and 4.8% respectively, and the other Backward Castes (OBCs) costitute 46.1%, of the State’s population.”
Major Caste wise Population in Andhra Pradesh
Backward castes % Forward castes % Scheduled castes % Others %
Golla/ yadava 6.3 Kapu 15.2 Mala 9.7 Muslims, Chirstians 7.0
Telaga 5.2 Reddy 6.5 Madiga 7.3
Chakali 4.2 Kamma 4.8
Mutarasi 3.3 Velama 3.0
Balija 3.0 Komati 2.7
Padmsale 2.9 Kshatriya 1.2
Kammari 2.1
Devangana 2.1
Goundla 2.0
Waddera 1.9
Mangali 1.3
Kuruma 1.3
Idiga 1.0
Kummari 0.9
Munnuru Kapu 0.8
Boya 0.7
Besta 0.7
Uppara 0.4
Gavara 0.4
Jangama 0.4
Others 5.4
Total 46.1 36.4 17 7.0
Source:K.Srinivasulu, Caste, Class and Social Articulation in Andhra Pradesh: Mapping Differential Regional Trajectories.
Major caste groups in the state are geographically distributed in different regions and each region has its own “Dominant caste” (in M.N.Srinivas’s understanding) that capitalized the opportunities such as education, land, power.,etc. It is also interesting to observe that different dominant castes of different regions are knitted together in to the web of power structures in same manner, thus drawing our attention to underlying factors of these relations. These web of power structures preconditions the political actors to forge a rainbow coalitions with different dominant castes of different region. In the case of Andhra Pradesh, so far the rainbow caste coalitions in the state are centering around the dominant castes; Reddys associated with the Congress party and Kammas of the of TDP. These groupings emerged out of 30 years of political churning and are in tact, though there are minor adjustments with the ground level voting shifts. Emergence of Telugu Desam and consequent ending of Congress’ monopoly created political dualism that is continuing for nearly three decades.
Undoubtedly people are vexed with dualism and hegemony, at every level including the polity and economic resources mainly because they are, in fact, not an alternative to each other but two sides of same coin. This is evident from the fact that the polices they are pursuing are one and same. The communities of Reddys and Kammas are, though numerically small, acquired multiple characteristics of dominance thus established themselves as Dominant Castes. Their dominance is evident not only in political arena, but also their hegemonic presence in academic, administrative, economic and land relations helped them to play leading roles in respective coalitions. Here comes a necessity of more structured debate over the characteristics and manufacturing of Dominant Caste. This debate is particularly important in the context of rise of subaltern castes to power. Another important fact we need to stress here is that these two castes in Andhra Pradesh occupied highest levels in local caste hierarchy also, unlike the jats in UP and Rajastan, Yadava in UP, Bihar. Coupled with the accrual of multi-factors, these two castes established themselves as dominant ones in the state.
A caste may said to be ‘dominant’ one when it preponderates numerically over the other castes, and when it also wields preponderate economic and political power. A large and powerful caste group can more easily be dominant if its position in the local caste hierarchy is not too low (MNSrinivas). Srinivas laid down four criterion of a dominant caste. First, it should be numerically large . Second, it should wield economic strength in the given area. Third, it should also wield political power. Lastly, it should not be too low in caste hierarchy. The characteristics of a Dominant Caste were expanded and strengthened when Dumont, Dube and Peter Gardner, Oomen etc. engages with MN Srinivas. If my understanding of MN Srinivas is correct, he basically relied on numerical preponderance in the first place for any caste to establish itself as dominant one.
Now we shall turn to see how these characters individually and collectively functions in establishing a caste as dominant caste particularly with reference mainly to Andhra Pradesh with often UP for comparison. Considering this definition, a question may arise as to whether mere numerical predominance is a sufficient prerequisite for a caste to become Dominant? In the case of Andhra Pradesh the forward castes that have been ruling so far are numerically not preponderant ones. But the influence they exert is so enormous that they uphold the existing caste hierarchy in society. Which means though the Kamma and Reddy communities of Andhra Pradesh are acted as dominant castes though they are numerically small. Being numerically low doesn’t affect their chances of occupying highest echelons of power. This proves about the existence of other factors that contributed to their dominance. They are also in forefront in ensuring the status-quo of social hierarchy in the basic unit, i.e. village. For this ensuring the status-quo, they even resorted to discriminative policies.
In essence they coupled the social discrimination with political and economic discrimination to wean away the opportunities from lower stratum of the village. In other words, thus they are discharging another important function of dominant caste, i.e. maintain the social order as it is. The experience of UP also defies the criteria of numerical preponderance. Though Dalits’ numerical preponderance does not always contributed to their dominance as it is evident from BSP experience. Master in social engineering, BSP could not dominate the state politically until it diversified its base and get a few upper castes in to its fold despite its numerical domination. Thus we are having two contrasting experiences to show that the first criterion, numerical preponderance, is not a basic/sufficient criterion for a caste to become a dominant caste.
The next criteria of M.N.Srinivas was the economic and political preponderance of a caste in a given area. Here his sequencing of the terminology is fascinating. He uses political preponderance next only to economic preponderance. This implies that economic influence is essential for a caste to construct a working alliance at village level to have political preponderance at the larger level. Economic lead empowers a caste to move across different sections of the economy by controlling and expanding resources. Land has been the mainstay of economic power in our society where the castes with rural orientation are holding the key. Now with the widespread capitalist relations of economy not only the ability to own and control the land constitutes economic hegemony but also its presence in trade, industry matters as it imparts the ability to spend counts. Unfortunately, though there is scarcity of data about the caste wise landholdings in general through out the country and particularly in AP. This forces us to analyze the role of these two criterion in establishing a caste as dominant caste on mere perceptions or assumptions.
To support our assumptions, Government of AP’s Land Committee under the chairmanship of Urban Development ministry pointed out the ever increasing concentration of land in to the big hands thus leaving the down stratum of society is loosing its landholding. Though it did not mentioned the caste wise landholdings, the essence it gives us is the same. One more example I can place here. In 1995 I was part of a team that surveyed one village, Lingarao Palem of Guntur district, where we found more than 80 percent of arable land under the village limits is concentrated in the hands of dominant caste in that village. As the village inhabits more than a dozen castes, the remaining 20 % of land is scattered among the left over castes of that village. A different kind of situation than this in the rest of the state is certainly ruled out. Except for the fact that the governments are forced to implement the reservations in local bodies, since the establishment of that village which we surveyed, the reins or in the hands of dominant caste only. Even after the reservations came in to force the BC and SC panchayat presidents are for the sake of record only. With this we can conclude that the though numerically small the dominant caste with considerable landholdings and say in the political affairs is ruling the roost.
Going by this evidence we can say that in the case of AP, the dominant castes presence in economic fields and political structures need not to be explained separately as the experiences of over 60 decades are in front of us. Even in some parts of northern India, subaltern casts like Jats, Yadava, Kurmis are able to influence the political structures only after they attained considerable presence in economic spheres of society. Thus these two criterion are primary for any caste which wishes to be a dominant one to poses. Because the overarching presence in these areas gives that caste or community to upkeep the existing socio-economic relations in tact and to ward of if necessary any attempts to change those structures of relationship. The last criteria is about the position of a caste on the hierarchy. By mentioning hierarchy in local caste system, Srinivas agrees that the caste hierarchy differs from place to place and even village to village. This doesn’t’ need an additional explanation. The Dalit as caste, irrespective of textual differences among them in terms of each other, could not constitute dominant caste primarily they would not have any interest in maintaining status-quo in social and political structures. May be this lead to BSP’s inability to establish its key constituents as dominant caste until it diversified its caste base by absorbing prominent figures across the social spectrum.
While articulating the caste mobilization politics is influenced by the dominant caste syndrome, it needs to be ascertained whether that particular caste constitutes a dominant caste or not. It should be in a position to sustain these social relations if it wants to sustain as a dominant caste. Thus assertion as dominant caste and ability to sustain the social relations structure based on the dominant caste syndrome are reinforcing each other.
With the above understanding of dominant caste, now we shall turn to the possible impact of Chiranjeevi and his Prajarajyam in the forthcoming elections. Now there is a common understanding or impression in the state in the well informed sections as well as in the press that the well of sections of Kapu community are behind the propping up of Praja Rajyam with Chiranjeevi at its fountain head. The question of whether Chiranjeevi would be able to steer the political scene in the state or not is entirely depends up on the fact that whether his caste can become a dominant caste or not. We will outline the three possible scenarios about the possible impact of Chiranjeevi’s party in the forth coming elections in the state and provide logical support in terms of above discussion about the dominant caste syndrome.
First,it can hamper the winning chances of a good number of candidates belongs to rival parties, there by leading to a hung assembly. Second possible scenario may be winning on his own provided forming a rainbow caste coalition on sustainable basis as precondition. The last scenario may be winning majority of seats in the community dominant constituencies and impacting the winning chances in other parts. For the first scenario to become reality the present process can be considered sufficient such as projecting him and his party as benefactor of his community. This leads to direct political articulation of caste mobilization. The realization of the second and third scenarios depends on the ability of his community rather than his own ability to lead the caste coalition only when the Kapu community becomes a dominant caste. This kind of rainbow caste coalition will also infuse confidence among the dissatisfied sections in other parties which will come handy to tilt the results decisively.
When caste articulation transcends the boundary line of individual social life aided by issues such as under representation, discrimination, identity, it will propel this articulation beyond the limited sphere of individual in to a larger sphere of society and turns in to political articulation. As mentioned above the first scenario is possible if Chiranjeevi and Kapu community succeed in generating awareness about the above mentioned issues, to establish himself as leader of that community. Still it won’t be sufficient to project him as a leader of under privileged or under represented backward castes. That needs to accommodate the issues of other castes and communities also in to his agenda. As the above table indicates there is nearly half of the population falls under the category of Backward castes that include Munnuru Kapu and Balija, two important sub castes of Kapu community. As the caste wise population is also distributed in different geographical scales as Kapu is mainly concentrated in coastal districts, Munnuru Kapu concentrated in Telangana region, Balija concentrated in Rayalaseema region. If all these three are put together in to single head it comes around 22 % of total population. If he succeeds in inculcating the sense of caste mobilization around discrimination, under representation and other such issues he may prove himself as a sole representative of that caste and can win considerable seats from the areas of community domination and also split proportionate voting in other parts of the state. So far except certain well off sections of this community in coastal region, general masses are with the congress party.
According to some observers Kapu, Balija, Munnuru Kapu communities are already started drifting their political loyalties towards Chiranjeevi. Various individual Kapu leaders are quiting their parties to join him. In this case the main looser will be Congress party which is camping with majority of general masses from that community. Even if his party loose he can play a spoiler’s role for congress. Realizing the potential threat of Chiranjeevi’s presence in the political battle YS Rajasekara Reddy’s government ,strategically, has moved pawns to show that his government can protect the interest of Kapu community and there is no need to shift their political loyalty. Steps initiated by government a day before the Tirupati Public meeting of Chiranjeevi, saying that the students of Kapu community are also eligible to get equal amount of scholarship at par with other students from BC communities must be seen in this backdrop . At the same time another issue he digged out is the notification that seeks to consider Kapus as BCs which was released and kept unimplemented for a decade. With these two steps Congress government initiated to divert the attention of Kapu community from Chiranjeevi. If Chiranjeevi picks up the issue of enumerating Kapu as BCs that may boil the political scene in the near future which may become too hot to handle even for Congress government.
As far as the next two scenarios are concerned a particular caste that wants to be the pillar of rainbow caste coalition needs to meet the other criteria also. Kapu community meets one criteria to become a dominant caste, i.e. numerical criteria. Being numerically largest populated caste among the forwards of backward castes, it can serve as dominant caste to lead the rainbow caste coalition which includes rallying of remaining backward communities, a section from SCs and minorities. In comparison to the other backward castes, Kapus are relatively on higher side in the case of prosperity, wealth, education but on the lower side in comparison to the dominant castes in forward communities. Though the exact data of caste wise ownership of assets in the state is not available we can say out of general perceptions that the Kapu community is having lesser share than that of its proportion to the population. Thus they may be lacking the economic criteria of a dominant caste that is coupled with political under representation.
If Chiranejeevi’s party succeeds in bringing about this kind of coalition he is definitely a winning choice in the state. Once this situation emerges the two dominant castes of the state won’t take much time to flirt with Chiranjeevi’s party to protect their economic interests if situation arises as they had done with Communists in late 50’s and early 60’s, though the comparison between Chiranjeevi of today and Communists of 50’s is an odd one. But to project this kind of rainbow caste alliance it needs time to construction, and resources to pour in. This proving sustenance can only be achieved once it infuses confidence among the disgruntled voters of the coalition in particular and other populace in general. And to face the electorate this caste coalition has to prove its sustainability. As the general elections is round the corner in Aprill2009 it may be difficult for Chiranajeevi and his outfit to form a rainbow coalition and prove its sustenance in this sharp and short gap. Even when consider the nature of work undertaken on the eve of the launching of his party like a construction of ready made building, this lack of time will prove costly for his entity. In a state where people are dis-satisfied by both major ruling parties, they are looking for a new one at the same time viable alternative which can focus on the length and breadth of their problems.
For the last criterion, the data shown in the above table it self gives an imprint about the hierarchic position of Kapu community in different geographical scales. As mentioned above Kapu with its two sub castes constitutes a single caste. The sub castes are occupying a downward position in the local hierarchy where as the principle caste occupies an upwardly position. But the fact that at the state level principle caste does not constitute an upper caste status in general, unless the caste community in a particular village dominates numerically as well as in terms of asset owning. Thus we can conclude that Kapu caste including its sub castes does not satisfy the criterion of a Dominant Caste. This itself informs that the caste in question is not in a position to lead a rainbow coalition of castes. Thus it could not influence the electoral prospects on its own in a decisive way.
References:
1.M.N.Srinivas,Castein Modern India
2.Nicholas Dirks , Castes of Minds
3.K.Srinivasulu, Caste, Class and Social Articulation in Andhra Pradesh: Mapping Differential Regional Trajectories.
4. Dube, in Contributions to Indian Sociology
5. Aditi Phadnis, Back to the future in Business Today, Sept 6, 2008
Konduri Veeraiah
With the Chiranjeevi’s Praja Rajyam, once again, the political discourse is shifted to the emerging Caste loyalties vis-à-vis political parties in Andhra Pradesh. Discourses on caste and its manipulations in politics are not new. The process of secularisation and democracy gave a new fillip to the caste mobilisations as democracy represents in theory for majority. They can be traced back to Selig.S.Harrison’s ‘Caste and Andhra Communists’of the early 50s that threw light on the foundational role of caste in political mobilization. In this seminal work Harrison stressed the need for a special study on caste to comprehend its impact on representative institutions. In a continuation to this debate M.N.Srinivas has provided a data of the fascinating dynamics of ‘the caste’ in different walks of life in connection with the states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Tamilanadu, Karnataka by applying the same principle in the light of first general elections to judge the emerging trends and changing political affiliations.
As the colonial rule unravelled and de-linked social caste from religious caste, it has became “ a single term of capable of expressing, organising, and above all systematising India’s diverse form of social identity, community and organisation.” Caste forms in to a major element in the social organisation with its long-established authority at the bottom. Thus the interplay of Caste and political democracy has always been an issue of renewed interest and controversy in this country as the process of group dynamics and web of power alignments in Indian villages are infinitely complex. Though caste has been a crucial player in articulating political mobilisation in the state there are no enough studies that deal with the changing political allegiances and reasons behind it, particularly after institutionalising the democratic process. In view of the ever changing nature of the caste, an attempt has been made in this essay to examine M.N.Srinivas’s concept of Dominant caste to forecast the possible emerging scenarios of Chiranjeevi’s influence and role in the politics of Andhrapradesh.
Like in any other part of the country, in Andhra Pradesh also Caste has played an important role either directly or indirectly in political mobilisations. The only difference as far me is that due to the strong presence of communist movement, till 90’s caste played only discrete role while in some other states the political mobilisation of caste started as early as immediately after the independence. With emergence of Telugudesam in the state’s political landscape, the role of caste started functioning in open unlike in the 60’s and 70’s. Presently the Telugu society has, become busy with the same political discourse that the state had seen with the political entry of the actor turned politician, N.T.Ramarao(NTR), a kamma person by caste. N.T.R proclaimed that he was launching a party, the Telugu Desam Party(TDP),with the sole aim of protecting the Telugu people’s pride or self respect. But this time around ,after a quarter century, the state reverted back to a similarkind of debate with another cine star Chiranjeevi launching his Praja Rajyam party(PRP).
In the recent past realisation of numerical strength and articulation of interests in political spheres has seen a new phenomena called “social engineering”. The phrase “ Social Engineering” became popular in the wake of BSP’s upsurge first in UttarPradesh and gradually on the national political landscape. Way back in early 80s N.T.Rama Rao with his demigod like charisma succeeded in creating and consolidating a rainbow caste coalition by weaning away BCs and Dalits and considerable section of Muslims from congress fold. Telugu Desam organised social engineering by mobilising BCs, certain sections of SCs and Minorities to run together, under the leadership of a dominant caste, the Kamma caste, to question the hegemony of another dominant caste the reddy caste. Both these developments proves one more important thing which Dube emphasises in his article in Contributions to Indian Sociology exactly forty years ago, in 1968. Dube synthesises that mere caste is not a power wielding unit but the multi-caste alliance is. The difference between social engineering of TDP and that of BSP is in the leadership as to who are steering the wheel. In the case of BSP it is Dalits while it was and is, Kammas in the case of TDP. If we consider the TDP and BSP phenomenon we have to agree on Dube’s prophetic understanding of Indian villages and their power wielding structure. Though before BSP, TDP pioneered social engineering, social analysts missed the significance of this process.
To analyse the Chiranjeevi impact in politics of AP,I am relying on the theory of Dominant Caste developed by MN Srinivas in his studies of Rampura village in Karnataka, though I am not in full agreement with him about the criteria and functions of Dominant Caste. This compels us to dwell in to caste composition of the state with relevant details. As, there were no census based on caste after 1930 we have to depend on 1921 census conducted by Nizam’s administration that contained a column on caste to ascertain the respective percentages of each caste in the state of Andhra Pradesh. According to K.Srinivasulu ,in Andhrapradesh, the Brahmins form 3% , Reddys and Kammas, 6.5% and 4.8% respectively, and the other Backward Castes (OBCs) costitute 46.1%, of the State’s population.”
Major Caste wise Population in Andhra Pradesh
Backward castes % Forward castes % Scheduled castes % Others %
Golla/ yadava 6.3 Kapu 15.2 Mala 9.7 Muslims, Chirstians 7.0
Telaga 5.2 Reddy 6.5 Madiga 7.3
Chakali 4.2 Kamma 4.8
Mutarasi 3.3 Velama 3.0
Balija 3.0 Komati 2.7
Padmsale 2.9 Kshatriya 1.2
Kammari 2.1
Devangana 2.1
Goundla 2.0
Waddera 1.9
Mangali 1.3
Kuruma 1.3
Idiga 1.0
Kummari 0.9
Munnuru Kapu 0.8
Boya 0.7
Besta 0.7
Uppara 0.4
Gavara 0.4
Jangama 0.4
Others 5.4
Total 46.1 36.4 17 7.0
Source:K.Srinivasulu, Caste, Class and Social Articulation in Andhra Pradesh: Mapping Differential Regional Trajectories.
Major caste groups in the state are geographically distributed in different regions and each region has its own “Dominant caste” (in M.N.Srinivas’s understanding) that capitalized the opportunities such as education, land, power.,etc. It is also interesting to observe that different dominant castes of different regions are knitted together in to the web of power structures in same manner, thus drawing our attention to underlying factors of these relations. These web of power structures preconditions the political actors to forge a rainbow coalitions with different dominant castes of different region. In the case of Andhra Pradesh, so far the rainbow caste coalitions in the state are centering around the dominant castes; Reddys associated with the Congress party and Kammas of the of TDP. These groupings emerged out of 30 years of political churning and are in tact, though there are minor adjustments with the ground level voting shifts. Emergence of Telugu Desam and consequent ending of Congress’ monopoly created political dualism that is continuing for nearly three decades.
Undoubtedly people are vexed with dualism and hegemony, at every level including the polity and economic resources mainly because they are, in fact, not an alternative to each other but two sides of same coin. This is evident from the fact that the polices they are pursuing are one and same. The communities of Reddys and Kammas are, though numerically small, acquired multiple characteristics of dominance thus established themselves as Dominant Castes. Their dominance is evident not only in political arena, but also their hegemonic presence in academic, administrative, economic and land relations helped them to play leading roles in respective coalitions. Here comes a necessity of more structured debate over the characteristics and manufacturing of Dominant Caste. This debate is particularly important in the context of rise of subaltern castes to power. Another important fact we need to stress here is that these two castes in Andhra Pradesh occupied highest levels in local caste hierarchy also, unlike the jats in UP and Rajastan, Yadava in UP, Bihar. Coupled with the accrual of multi-factors, these two castes established themselves as dominant ones in the state.
A caste may said to be ‘dominant’ one when it preponderates numerically over the other castes, and when it also wields preponderate economic and political power. A large and powerful caste group can more easily be dominant if its position in the local caste hierarchy is not too low (MNSrinivas). Srinivas laid down four criterion of a dominant caste. First, it should be numerically large . Second, it should wield economic strength in the given area. Third, it should also wield political power. Lastly, it should not be too low in caste hierarchy. The characteristics of a Dominant Caste were expanded and strengthened when Dumont, Dube and Peter Gardner, Oomen etc. engages with MN Srinivas. If my understanding of MN Srinivas is correct, he basically relied on numerical preponderance in the first place for any caste to establish itself as dominant one.
Now we shall turn to see how these characters individually and collectively functions in establishing a caste as dominant caste particularly with reference mainly to Andhra Pradesh with often UP for comparison. Considering this definition, a question may arise as to whether mere numerical predominance is a sufficient prerequisite for a caste to become Dominant? In the case of Andhra Pradesh the forward castes that have been ruling so far are numerically not preponderant ones. But the influence they exert is so enormous that they uphold the existing caste hierarchy in society. Which means though the Kamma and Reddy communities of Andhra Pradesh are acted as dominant castes though they are numerically small. Being numerically low doesn’t affect their chances of occupying highest echelons of power. This proves about the existence of other factors that contributed to their dominance. They are also in forefront in ensuring the status-quo of social hierarchy in the basic unit, i.e. village. For this ensuring the status-quo, they even resorted to discriminative policies.
In essence they coupled the social discrimination with political and economic discrimination to wean away the opportunities from lower stratum of the village. In other words, thus they are discharging another important function of dominant caste, i.e. maintain the social order as it is. The experience of UP also defies the criteria of numerical preponderance. Though Dalits’ numerical preponderance does not always contributed to their dominance as it is evident from BSP experience. Master in social engineering, BSP could not dominate the state politically until it diversified its base and get a few upper castes in to its fold despite its numerical domination. Thus we are having two contrasting experiences to show that the first criterion, numerical preponderance, is not a basic/sufficient criterion for a caste to become a dominant caste.
The next criteria of M.N.Srinivas was the economic and political preponderance of a caste in a given area. Here his sequencing of the terminology is fascinating. He uses political preponderance next only to economic preponderance. This implies that economic influence is essential for a caste to construct a working alliance at village level to have political preponderance at the larger level. Economic lead empowers a caste to move across different sections of the economy by controlling and expanding resources. Land has been the mainstay of economic power in our society where the castes with rural orientation are holding the key. Now with the widespread capitalist relations of economy not only the ability to own and control the land constitutes economic hegemony but also its presence in trade, industry matters as it imparts the ability to spend counts. Unfortunately, though there is scarcity of data about the caste wise landholdings in general through out the country and particularly in AP. This forces us to analyze the role of these two criterion in establishing a caste as dominant caste on mere perceptions or assumptions.
To support our assumptions, Government of AP’s Land Committee under the chairmanship of Urban Development ministry pointed out the ever increasing concentration of land in to the big hands thus leaving the down stratum of society is loosing its landholding. Though it did not mentioned the caste wise landholdings, the essence it gives us is the same. One more example I can place here. In 1995 I was part of a team that surveyed one village, Lingarao Palem of Guntur district, where we found more than 80 percent of arable land under the village limits is concentrated in the hands of dominant caste in that village. As the village inhabits more than a dozen castes, the remaining 20 % of land is scattered among the left over castes of that village. A different kind of situation than this in the rest of the state is certainly ruled out. Except for the fact that the governments are forced to implement the reservations in local bodies, since the establishment of that village which we surveyed, the reins or in the hands of dominant caste only. Even after the reservations came in to force the BC and SC panchayat presidents are for the sake of record only. With this we can conclude that the though numerically small the dominant caste with considerable landholdings and say in the political affairs is ruling the roost.
Going by this evidence we can say that in the case of AP, the dominant castes presence in economic fields and political structures need not to be explained separately as the experiences of over 60 decades are in front of us. Even in some parts of northern India, subaltern casts like Jats, Yadava, Kurmis are able to influence the political structures only after they attained considerable presence in economic spheres of society. Thus these two criterion are primary for any caste which wishes to be a dominant one to poses. Because the overarching presence in these areas gives that caste or community to upkeep the existing socio-economic relations in tact and to ward of if necessary any attempts to change those structures of relationship. The last criteria is about the position of a caste on the hierarchy. By mentioning hierarchy in local caste system, Srinivas agrees that the caste hierarchy differs from place to place and even village to village. This doesn’t’ need an additional explanation. The Dalit as caste, irrespective of textual differences among them in terms of each other, could not constitute dominant caste primarily they would not have any interest in maintaining status-quo in social and political structures. May be this lead to BSP’s inability to establish its key constituents as dominant caste until it diversified its caste base by absorbing prominent figures across the social spectrum.
While articulating the caste mobilization politics is influenced by the dominant caste syndrome, it needs to be ascertained whether that particular caste constitutes a dominant caste or not. It should be in a position to sustain these social relations if it wants to sustain as a dominant caste. Thus assertion as dominant caste and ability to sustain the social relations structure based on the dominant caste syndrome are reinforcing each other.
With the above understanding of dominant caste, now we shall turn to the possible impact of Chiranjeevi and his Prajarajyam in the forthcoming elections. Now there is a common understanding or impression in the state in the well informed sections as well as in the press that the well of sections of Kapu community are behind the propping up of Praja Rajyam with Chiranjeevi at its fountain head. The question of whether Chiranjeevi would be able to steer the political scene in the state or not is entirely depends up on the fact that whether his caste can become a dominant caste or not. We will outline the three possible scenarios about the possible impact of Chiranjeevi’s party in the forth coming elections in the state and provide logical support in terms of above discussion about the dominant caste syndrome.
First,it can hamper the winning chances of a good number of candidates belongs to rival parties, there by leading to a hung assembly. Second possible scenario may be winning on his own provided forming a rainbow caste coalition on sustainable basis as precondition. The last scenario may be winning majority of seats in the community dominant constituencies and impacting the winning chances in other parts. For the first scenario to become reality the present process can be considered sufficient such as projecting him and his party as benefactor of his community. This leads to direct political articulation of caste mobilization. The realization of the second and third scenarios depends on the ability of his community rather than his own ability to lead the caste coalition only when the Kapu community becomes a dominant caste. This kind of rainbow caste coalition will also infuse confidence among the dissatisfied sections in other parties which will come handy to tilt the results decisively.
When caste articulation transcends the boundary line of individual social life aided by issues such as under representation, discrimination, identity, it will propel this articulation beyond the limited sphere of individual in to a larger sphere of society and turns in to political articulation. As mentioned above the first scenario is possible if Chiranjeevi and Kapu community succeed in generating awareness about the above mentioned issues, to establish himself as leader of that community. Still it won’t be sufficient to project him as a leader of under privileged or under represented backward castes. That needs to accommodate the issues of other castes and communities also in to his agenda. As the above table indicates there is nearly half of the population falls under the category of Backward castes that include Munnuru Kapu and Balija, two important sub castes of Kapu community. As the caste wise population is also distributed in different geographical scales as Kapu is mainly concentrated in coastal districts, Munnuru Kapu concentrated in Telangana region, Balija concentrated in Rayalaseema region. If all these three are put together in to single head it comes around 22 % of total population. If he succeeds in inculcating the sense of caste mobilization around discrimination, under representation and other such issues he may prove himself as a sole representative of that caste and can win considerable seats from the areas of community domination and also split proportionate voting in other parts of the state. So far except certain well off sections of this community in coastal region, general masses are with the congress party.
According to some observers Kapu, Balija, Munnuru Kapu communities are already started drifting their political loyalties towards Chiranjeevi. Various individual Kapu leaders are quiting their parties to join him. In this case the main looser will be Congress party which is camping with majority of general masses from that community. Even if his party loose he can play a spoiler’s role for congress. Realizing the potential threat of Chiranjeevi’s presence in the political battle YS Rajasekara Reddy’s government ,strategically, has moved pawns to show that his government can protect the interest of Kapu community and there is no need to shift their political loyalty. Steps initiated by government a day before the Tirupati Public meeting of Chiranjeevi, saying that the students of Kapu community are also eligible to get equal amount of scholarship at par with other students from BC communities must be seen in this backdrop . At the same time another issue he digged out is the notification that seeks to consider Kapus as BCs which was released and kept unimplemented for a decade. With these two steps Congress government initiated to divert the attention of Kapu community from Chiranjeevi. If Chiranjeevi picks up the issue of enumerating Kapu as BCs that may boil the political scene in the near future which may become too hot to handle even for Congress government.
As far as the next two scenarios are concerned a particular caste that wants to be the pillar of rainbow caste coalition needs to meet the other criteria also. Kapu community meets one criteria to become a dominant caste, i.e. numerical criteria. Being numerically largest populated caste among the forwards of backward castes, it can serve as dominant caste to lead the rainbow caste coalition which includes rallying of remaining backward communities, a section from SCs and minorities. In comparison to the other backward castes, Kapus are relatively on higher side in the case of prosperity, wealth, education but on the lower side in comparison to the dominant castes in forward communities. Though the exact data of caste wise ownership of assets in the state is not available we can say out of general perceptions that the Kapu community is having lesser share than that of its proportion to the population. Thus they may be lacking the economic criteria of a dominant caste that is coupled with political under representation.
If Chiranejeevi’s party succeeds in bringing about this kind of coalition he is definitely a winning choice in the state. Once this situation emerges the two dominant castes of the state won’t take much time to flirt with Chiranjeevi’s party to protect their economic interests if situation arises as they had done with Communists in late 50’s and early 60’s, though the comparison between Chiranjeevi of today and Communists of 50’s is an odd one. But to project this kind of rainbow caste alliance it needs time to construction, and resources to pour in. This proving sustenance can only be achieved once it infuses confidence among the disgruntled voters of the coalition in particular and other populace in general. And to face the electorate this caste coalition has to prove its sustainability. As the general elections is round the corner in Aprill2009 it may be difficult for Chiranajeevi and his outfit to form a rainbow coalition and prove its sustenance in this sharp and short gap. Even when consider the nature of work undertaken on the eve of the launching of his party like a construction of ready made building, this lack of time will prove costly for his entity. In a state where people are dis-satisfied by both major ruling parties, they are looking for a new one at the same time viable alternative which can focus on the length and breadth of their problems.
For the last criterion, the data shown in the above table it self gives an imprint about the hierarchic position of Kapu community in different geographical scales. As mentioned above Kapu with its two sub castes constitutes a single caste. The sub castes are occupying a downward position in the local hierarchy where as the principle caste occupies an upwardly position. But the fact that at the state level principle caste does not constitute an upper caste status in general, unless the caste community in a particular village dominates numerically as well as in terms of asset owning. Thus we can conclude that Kapu caste including its sub castes does not satisfy the criterion of a Dominant Caste. This itself informs that the caste in question is not in a position to lead a rainbow coalition of castes. Thus it could not influence the electoral prospects on its own in a decisive way.
References:
1.M.N.Srinivas,Castein Modern India
2.Nicholas Dirks , Castes of Minds
3.K.Srinivasulu, Caste, Class and Social Articulation in Andhra Pradesh: Mapping Differential Regional Trajectories.
4. Dube, in Contributions to Indian Sociology
5. Aditi Phadnis, Back to the future in Business Today, Sept 6, 2008
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
